It's a plane, it's a bird, it's superman no, that dot in the sky is Super Paul Martin and whatever else you want to believe it is. Never before in the history of Canadian politics has a politician been able to cast himself as the preferred candidate of so many disparate groups.
The former Finance Minister overwhelmingly dominates the centre-left, centre, and centre-right of Canadian politics. His supporters include environmentalists, poverty advocates, businesspeople, deficit-hawks, democratic reformers and so on. His big tent approach to including almost every special-interest group and his attempt to capture so much of the political bulge will most likely result in a landslide electoral victory comparable with Brian Mulroney. The question is: can this quick-change artist be everything to everyone without ending up as a disappointment to all?
Paul Martin has impressed and captured the minds and wallets of many fiscally-focused (slightly right-of-centre) voters by slaying the perennial deficit in Ottawa. Most have ignored the fact that his first budget (1994) was business-as-usual and that he needed considerable cajoling from the Prime Minister and minions in the Finance Department to actually tackle the deficit problem.
Most have also forgotten how Martin attacked the deficit. Rather than reduce spending in Ottawa, Martin chose to reduce transfers to the provinces, cut UI benefits, and reduce funding to the military. Non-military discretionary spending by the federal government actually increased while they were battling the deficit. Martin also oversaw increases in some federal taxes plus a plethora of sneaky new taxes.
While Martin was playing brave Sir Paul fighting the deficit dragon, he was actually cowering behind cash-strapped provinces, over-burdened taxpayers, and our deteriorating military all of whom Martin had dragooned into the deficit battle while he took credit for slaying the dragon they killed.
This trend continued even after the deficit was defeated. Recall that Minister Martin was more than a little reluctant to provide tax relief while the government was recording record surpluses until the shadow of the 2000 election hovered over the Parliament buildings in Ottawa.
Martin has also captured the voters on the left who see him as a more responsible, socially conscious politician. Perhaps most telling of Martin's chameleon-like abilities are his policy statements since leaving the Department of Finance. The various promises he has made, plus the initiatives he supported while in cabinet, include:
· increased spending on business subsidies to promote innovation · increased spending on healthcare to reduce waiting times · increased spending on anti-poverty programs · increased spending for the National Child Benefit · increased spending to reduce homelessness · increased spending on post-secondary scholarships · increased spending on student loans · increased spending at the federal level on municipal issues · increased spending on a variety of environmental policies · and support of the costly Kyoto Protocol.
He has also intimated that government should pile ethical, environmental and labour standards on businesses, already suffering heavier taxes and regulations than their counterparts in the United States. This is a recipe for economic disaster.
At the same time, however, Martin has also included more conservative statements such as the need for tighter spending controls with regular parliamentary review, clear criticism of proposals for hiking the GST, the need for more democracy in government, and the general need for tax relief. Martin's own website, which the above is just a sampling of clearly illustrates his aim of being everything to almost everyone.
Another example of Martin trying to be everything to all Canadians provided by his website, relates to the organizations he recommends supporters visit. The list includes such left leaning organizations as the Caledon Institute and the Canadian Council on Social Development, and the far left Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. But Martin also lists organizations such as the Canada West Foundation, the Conference Board of Canada, and the C.D. Howe Institute, all of which could be seen as more conservative-type research institutes.
The point being that Paul Martin may have only one true policy conviction that he wants to be Prime Minister. What clearly seems absent from Martin's drive to be the next Prime Minister is any clear vision for the country. Rather, his vision is all about convincing as many interest groups that he's their man. In the end, trying to be everything to everyone will result in disappointment for all, particularly the country.
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Paul Martin: The Great Political Chameleon
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It's a plane, it's a bird, it's superman no, that dot in the sky is Super Paul Martin and whatever else you want to believe it is. Never before in the history of Canadian politics has a politician been able to cast himself as the preferred candidate of so many disparate groups.
The former Finance Minister overwhelmingly dominates the centre-left, centre, and centre-right of Canadian politics. His supporters include environmentalists, poverty advocates, businesspeople, deficit-hawks, democratic reformers and so on. His big tent approach to including almost every special-interest group and his attempt to capture so much of the political bulge will most likely result in a landslide electoral victory comparable with Brian Mulroney. The question is: can this quick-change artist be everything to everyone without ending up as a disappointment to all?
Paul Martin has impressed and captured the minds and wallets of many fiscally-focused (slightly right-of-centre) voters by slaying the perennial deficit in Ottawa. Most have ignored the fact that his first budget (1994) was business-as-usual and that he needed considerable cajoling from the Prime Minister and minions in the Finance Department to actually tackle the deficit problem.
Most have also forgotten how Martin attacked the deficit. Rather than reduce spending in Ottawa, Martin chose to reduce transfers to the provinces, cut UI benefits, and reduce funding to the military. Non-military discretionary spending by the federal government actually increased while they were battling the deficit. Martin also oversaw increases in some federal taxes plus a plethora of sneaky new taxes.
While Martin was playing brave Sir Paul fighting the deficit dragon, he was actually cowering behind cash-strapped provinces, over-burdened taxpayers, and our deteriorating military all of whom Martin had dragooned into the deficit battle while he took credit for slaying the dragon they killed.
This trend continued even after the deficit was defeated. Recall that Minister Martin was more than a little reluctant to provide tax relief while the government was recording record surpluses until the shadow of the 2000 election hovered over the Parliament buildings in Ottawa.
Martin has also captured the voters on the left who see him as a more responsible, socially conscious politician. Perhaps most telling of Martin's chameleon-like abilities are his policy statements since leaving the Department of Finance. The various promises he has made, plus the initiatives he supported while in cabinet, include:
· increased spending on business subsidies to promote innovation
· increased spending on healthcare to reduce waiting times
· increased spending on anti-poverty programs
· increased spending for the National Child Benefit
· increased spending to reduce homelessness
· increased spending on post-secondary scholarships
· increased spending on student loans
· increased spending at the federal level on municipal issues
· increased spending on a variety of environmental policies
· and support of the costly Kyoto Protocol.
He has also intimated that government should pile ethical, environmental and labour standards on businesses, already suffering heavier taxes and regulations than their counterparts in the United States. This is a recipe for economic disaster.
At the same time, however, Martin has also included more conservative statements such as the need for tighter spending controls with regular parliamentary review, clear criticism of proposals for hiking the GST, the need for more democracy in government, and the general need for tax relief. Martin's own website, which the above is just a sampling of clearly illustrates his aim of being everything to almost everyone.
Another example of Martin trying to be everything to all Canadians provided by his website, relates to the organizations he recommends supporters visit. The list includes such left leaning organizations as the Caledon Institute and the Canadian Council on Social Development, and the far left Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. But Martin also lists organizations such as the Canada West Foundation, the Conference Board of Canada, and the C.D. Howe Institute, all of which could be seen as more conservative-type research institutes.
The point being that Paul Martin may have only one true policy conviction that he wants to be Prime Minister. What clearly seems absent from Martin's drive to be the next Prime Minister is any clear vision for the country. Rather, his vision is all about convincing as many interest groups that he's their man. In the end, trying to be everything to everyone will result in disappointment for all, particularly the country.
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Fred McMahon
Jason Clemens
Executive Vice President, Fraser Institute
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