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This paper provides key information missing from the campaign of the Nisga'a, the government of British Columbia, and the federal government promoting the Nisga'a agreement. It first comments on this campaign and then presents the missing information under 12 headings.

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Because it is the first modern treaty in British Columbia, the draft Nisga'a Treaty has properly come under close scrutiny. It will inevitably set benchmarks by which dozens of further treaties will be measured.

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With his public choice theory, Nobel laureate James Buchanan pointed out how public interest groups, including public servants, end up working for themselves at the expense of the public. The US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has long fulfilled this prediction. In fact, in 1980 blue ribbon panel concluded that the EPA's work was rife with what become known as junk science: a habit of selectively citing data designed to support preconceived and self-serving ambitions and policy goals.

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The book explains that cities suffer from three problems: lack of user fees, too much public ownership of city services, and lack of city democracy. These problems combine to make the city an open field where citizens graze on services without restraint, public employees feed on taxpayers, and voters are powerless to change the city for the better.

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If the Nisga'a Final Agreement is the template for the 50 or more land-claim agreements or treaties yet to be negotiated in BC as Premier Glen Clark says it is, then at the end of the exercise, British Columbians will wake up to discover that their federal and provincial governments will have substantially altered forever the economic, social, and political fabric of their province.

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The central conclusion of the report is that (as of 1998) BC's current economic crisis is a result of policies implemented by the provincial government since 1991. The evidence shows, in spite of claims made by the Clark government, that the 'Asian flu' is not the root cause of British Columbia's economic pain, rather, BC's economic troubles are mainly due to a home grown virus-courtesy of Victoria.

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When the conference How to Spend the Fiscal Dividend: What is the Optimal Size of Government? was planned in the summer of 1997, the Government of Canada was expected to present a balanced budget in the upcoming fiscal year 1998/99 and, if tax rates and spending programs remained unchanged, large annual surpluses in the following years. These expected surpluses have become known as the fiscal dividend because they are the return on the investment of fiscal restraint practised since 1993.